Politics & Society is a peer-reviewed journal. All submitted papers are read by a rotating editorial board member. If a paper is deemed potentially publishable, it is sent to another board member, who, if agreeing that it is potentially publishable, sends it to a third board member. If and only if all three agree, the paper is sent to the entire editorial board for consideration at board meetings. The editorial board meets three times a year, and the board members who are present (usually between 9 and 14) make decisions through a deliberative process that also considers written reports from absent members. Unlike many journals which rely on 1–3 individual blind referee reports and a single editor with final say, the peers who decide whether to accept submitted work are thus the full editorial board of the journal, comprised of scholars from various disciplines, who discuss papers openly, with author names known, at meetings. Editors are required to disclose potential conflicts of interest when evaluating manuscripts and to recuse themselves from voting if such a potential exists.

Politics and Society is a peer-reviewed journal. All submitted papers are reviewed by a rotating member of the editorial board. If a paper is deemed potentially publishable, it is sent to another board member for further evaluation. If this member agrees that the paper has potential, it is then sent to a third board member. Only if all three members agree is the paper forwarded to the entire editorial board for consideration during board meetings. The editorial board meets three times a year, and the members present (usually between 9 and 14) make decisions through a deliberative process that also takes into account written reports from absent members. Unlike many journals that rely on 1 to 3 individual blind referee reports and a single editor with the final say, the decision-making process involves the full editorial board, composed of scholars from various disciplines, who openly discuss papers with the authors' names known during meetings. Editors are required to disclose any potential conflicts of interest when evaluating manuscripts and must recuse themselves from voting if such a conflict exists.

《Politics and Society》是一本经过同行评审的期刊。所有提交的论文都会由轮换的编辑委员会成员进行审阅。如果一篇论文被认为有潜在的发表价值，它将被送交另一位委员会成员审阅。如果这位成员同意该论文有潜在的发表价值，则会再送交第三位成员审阅。只有当三位成员均表示同意时，论文才会被提交给整个编辑委员会，在委员会会议上进行讨论。编辑委员会每年召开三次会议，出席的委员会成员通常在9到14人之间，他们通过一种审议过程做出决定，同时考虑缺席成员的书面报告。与许多期刊依赖1到3位匿名审稿人和一位最终决定的编辑不同，决定是否接受提交作品的过程是由整个编辑委员会进行的，委员会由来自不同学科的学者组成，他们在会议上公开讨论论文，作者姓名是已知的。编辑在评估手稿时需要披露潜在的利益冲突，并在存在此类潜在冲突时主动回避投票。

Politics and Society

mize the general welfare only after satisfying the intcrests of the groups to which they are most closely connected. One of Peretz’s major purposes was to test the usefulness of pluralist versus Marxist or elitist explanations of the policy process. Expecting to find confirmation for pluralist analysis, he discovers it offers the weakest account of the three possibilities explored. The Political Economy of Inflation is a very useful little book. Peretz makes both sense and nonsense out of macroeconomic

Politics & Society

Janice A. Radway. Reading the Romance: Women, Patriarchy, and Pop ular Literature. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1984

詹妮斯·A·拉德威. 阅读浪漫小说：女性、父权制与流行文学. 教堂山：北卡罗来纳大学出版社，1984年。

Since the introduction of the euro, German growth has been primarily based on exports. Signs of an exhaustion of Germany's export-led growth model were already evident before the energy crisis of 2022–23, which hit the country hard. German elites could have capitalized on the shock to rebalance their growth strategy. But the opposite happened: the government's adjustment strategy has aimed at doubling down on export-led growth and protecting the core export industries. This article investigates the politics of Germany's economic policymaking in hard times. We show that the government's economic policy responses were driven largely by an export sector growth coalition led by cross-class alliances in the chemical, metalworking, and engineering sectors. In contrast to previous corporatist decision-making, which aimed to include broader societal concerns in peak-level concertation, German corporatism has undergone a functional transformation toward the predominance of export sector distributive coalitions. This article's findings contribute to the emerging literature on the politics of growth models in comparative political economy.

Donato Di Carlo

Anke Hassel

Martin Höpner

Growth Coalitions Within a Corporatist Setting: How Manufacturing Interests Dominated the German Response to the Energy Crisis

法团主义背景下增长联盟：制造业利益如何主导德国应对能源危机

Presenting a world-first data set of 2,831 constitutive organizations of history's largest far-right interorganizational network, this article presents a new explanation for far-right normalization: organizational diffusion. Providing, for the first time, empirical evidence of the large network characteristics of the Indian far right, this article paints a picture of what this network actually looks like, how far it has spread, and what explains its success. In doing so, this explanation unearths a far-right strategy of covert civil society expansion that has largely evaded the party-focused extant study of global far-right electoral mobilization. Identifying this strategy of organizational diffusion, this article argues that it produces three effects that produce broad, flexible, and durable mobilizations: segmented representation, reputational control, and leadership accommodation. Organizational diffusion, present in far-right mobilizations as diverse as Ma Ba Tha, Nippon Kaigi, and the Thai military, presents an important far-right mobilizing tool that exhorts scholars to refocus on covert civil society expansion as a key mechanism of far-right normalization.

Felix Pal

Organizational Diffusion: What India Tells Us about How the Far Right Wins

组织扩散：印度告诉我们极右翼如何获胜

Recent studies puzzle over why it is that democratically elected governments have not responded to rising inequality by engaging in more redistribution. While some scholars argue that low- and middle-income citizens have not responded to rising inequality in the way we would expect, others argue that policymakers are not responsive to the demands of these citizens. We argue that both solutions to the “lack-of-redistribution puzzle” leave something to be desired and that variation across policy domains sheds new light on the issues at stake in this debate. Based on an original 2019 survey replicating questions asked by the European Social Survey in 2008, we show that support for progressive income taxation and more egalitarian unemployment insurance has increased in most West European countries since 2008. Tax policy has moved in the same direction as public opinion, but unemployment policy has not. We conclude that public opinion should be conceived as a constraint on policymakers motivated by political-economy considerations rather than a driver of policy developments.

Jan Rosset

Jérémie Poltier

Jonas Pontusson

Unevenly Unequal Responsiveness: Public Opinion and Redistributive Policy Shifts in Western Europe Since 2008

不平等的不平等响应：2008年以来西欧公众舆论与再分配政策转变

What if we think of landlords as petty tyrants? I argue that this specifically political question has been missing in analyses and diagnoses of the crisis in housing. Approaching the political conditions within landlord-tenant relations, I argue that rental housing is a sphere where people are subject to substantial unaccountable power in ways that drastically limit their autonomy, that is, domination. First, I develop a theoretical analysis through Elizabeth Anderson's concept of private government, extended by radical republican and feminist interventions. Then, drawing on interdisciplinary housing literatures, I build the case for understanding landlords’ dominative power at both structural and interpersonal levels. I look to institutional dynamics and landlord practices to unpack the details of private government in rental housing. I conclude with a critical discussion of current approaches to housing policy in terms of domination and a suggestion for an alternate strategy around the concept of countervailing power.

Shai Karp

Private Government at Home: Landlord Power and Rental Residential Domination in the United States

家中的私人政府：美国房东权力与租赁住宅统治

The #StopTheStealMovement, which culminated in the January 6 attack, was part of a coordinated, months-long campaign to convince the public that the 2020 election was stolen through fraud and that Donald Trump had won. The dominant narrative of how this movement emerged is a national one, with Donald Trump at the center. However, we show how state and local political institutions, events, and actors—in this case, county Republican parties on Facebook—were instrumental in paving the way for January 6.

Abbreviation	Polit. Soc.
Journal Impact	3.91
Quartiles(Global)	SOCIOLOGY(Q1)

ISSN	0032-3292, 1552-7514
h-index	81

Publication Information	Publisher: SAGE Publications Inc.，Publishing cycle: ，Journal Type: journal，Open Access Journals: No
Basic data	Year of publication: 1992，Proportion of original research papers: 100.00%，Self Citation Rate:2.40%， Gold OA Rate: 30.99%

Politics and Society

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Janice A. Radway. Reading the Romance: Women, Patriarchy, and Pop ular Literature. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1984

Growth Coalitions Within a Corporatist Setting: How Manufacturing Interests Dominated the German Response to the Energy Crisis

Organizational Diffusion: What India Tells Us about How the Far Right Wins

Unevenly Unequal Responsiveness: Public Opinion and Redistributive Policy Shifts in Western Europe Since 2008

Private Government at Home: Landlord Power and Rental Residential Domination in the United States

Growth Coalitions Within a Corporatist Setting: How Manufacturing Interests Dominated the German Response to the Energy Crisis

Unevenly Unequal Responsiveness: Public Opinion and Redistributive Policy Shifts in Western Europe Since 2008

Organizational Diffusion: What India Tells Us about How the Far Right Wins

Private Government at Home: Landlord Power and Rental Residential Domination in the United States

Manufacturing January 6: How Republican County Parties Mobilized Anger to Promote #StopTheSteal