Srpska politička misao

This paper analyzes the challenges and opportunities faced by families in a diaspora regarding cultural adaptation and native language preservation. In the modern world, where migration becomes more frequent, families that move into new cultural environments often face a dilemma between integrating into the host country and preserving their own cultural identity through nurturing the native language and tradition of the countries from which they originate. In the context of globalization, the family proves to be a critical unit that not only transmits language and cultural values but also forms the identity of each of its members, providing him/her with the possibility to develop multiculturally in all personality aspects. Through the review of relevant literature and published studies, this paper examines factors that affect the success of the adaptation of new generations, including the role of social support, educational institutions, and intergenerational relations. The paper also explores the strategies families use to preserve their native language, which is critical in maintaining cultural identity. Daily communication in the native language, cultural events, manifestations, and participation in educational programs ensure that younger generations remain connected to their roots. Families often take an active role in creating communities that support language and culture preservation, thus contributing to the richness of multicultural societies. This paper contributes to the understanding of the dynamics of identity in the diaspora and emphasizes the educational role of family structures in the process of cultural adaptation and openness in accepting other cultures. The paper's conclusions suggest that language and culture preservation is possible through a combination of individual efforts, community support, and adapted educational programs. The paper provides guidelines for future research and practice, emphasizing the need to develop effective diaspora family support models to preserve linguistic and cultural heritage.

Maja Trifunović

Family in displacement and its role in cultural adaptation and native language preservation

流离失所中的家庭及其在文化适应和母语保护中的作用

The policy of introducing a prohibition on corporal punishment of children (CPC) into legal frameworks currently needs unanimous support among social actors in Serbia. This may reflect the instability and inconsistency of collective and individual attitudes toward CPC, which are in the process of changing. The subject of this research is the attitude toward CPC from the standpoint of social change theories and stages of the attitude change process. The aim was to examine the consistency of this attitude across different levels of generality and situational contexts to determine its stability. A quantitative study was conducted among 104 respondents. Data were collected through an online questionnaire designed for the research. The findings revealed that attitude toward CPC depends on situational context differences and the context's specificity level. For instance, while 79.8% of respondents hold a negative general attitude toward CPC, 54.8% believe that parents should legally be allowed to slap a child on the buttocks with an open hand when the child is disobedient. When presented with five different situations involving specific child misbehavior, only 1.9% to 6.7% of respondents approved of a parent's reaction involving a mild slap on the buttocks without further explanation, depending on the situation. Conversely, support for this reaction increased to between 7.7% and 31.7% if accompanied by an explanation of why the child's behaviour was inappropriate. The results of the inconsistency of attitudes toward CPC are discussed in light of the significance of the level of abstraction and situational context. The recommended approach advocates for a policy that respects the particularities of Serbian society by formulating legal provisions on CPC as precisely as possible.

Bojana Stajkić

Jasna Hrnčić

Milena Blagojević

A contribution to the debate on the policy of sanctioning corporal punishment of children in Serbia: Attitude inconsistency

塞尔维亚儿童体罚政策辩论中的贡献：态度不一致

State and local governments in e-tools have important instruments of quality management and the creation and implementation of sectoral policies. Smart city projects provide excellent services to citizens, increase the transparency and accountability of authorities, as well as citizens' satisfaction with services. Participative edecision-making is useful because citizens are indispensable for expressing their needs, assessing the quality of services, and setting requests and initiatives (co-production). On the other hand, it is also important to include public servants who ensure that decisions are optimally shaped and that services are tailored according to the needs of specific people (personalization of services) and the community. Serbia has a systemic problem of centralization, a top-down approach to management, weak participation of citizens and weak involvement of experts in the work of e-government. Good practice indicates that e-government cannot function without the active involvement of citizens, so our system needs to be changed and improved. These changes would also modernize management, decision making and policy making (evidence based decision and policy making). The consequence would be the creation of services according to the needs of citizens, which increases citizens' satisfaction with the quality of services. In addition, these processes strengthen the socialization of citizens, strengthen democratic capacities of communities, and raise the motivation of employees to contribute to the quality of work (strengthening of professionalization, motivation and dignity of public servants).

Snežana Đorđević

Implementation of it in the public sector by local authorities: Benefits and challenges

地方政府在公共部门实施信息技术：效益与挑战

Jelena Todorović-Lazić

Nauka i naučnice u Srbiji i svetu

塞尔维亚与世界的科学与科学女性

The paper illuminates how civil society organisations in Serbia, in the aftermath of the political changes initiated on 5 October 2000, played the essential role in articulating corruption as a vital public issue, raising awareness of the public, and putting pressure on the then governments to include this issue in the political agenda. Our analysis focuses on two planes of civil society organisations activities: 1) research efforts aimed at properly understanding the phenomenology of corruption as the first step towards sound conceptualisation of various anti-corruption measures, and 2) educational initiatives aimed at transferring knowledge and good practice in anti-corruption methodology and policies from post-industrial societies and other post-Communist countries. The timeframe of our analysis embraces the period from 5 October 2000 to December 2005, which we see as the initial phase of engaging civil society organisations in anti-corruption policy in Serbia, before the National Anti-Corruption Strategy was adopted. After the changes in October 2000, civil society organizations in Serbia have acted as a significant factor in raising public awareness of corruption as well as in building anti-corruption institutional and normative infrastructure. From campaigns that targeted all stakeholders (citizens, media, business sector, decision makers) aiming at changing their priorities and interests, to participating in the set-up of public policies in the field of rule of law and monitoring the implementation of anti-corruption laws and strategic commitment, civil society organisations that operated within very wide range of activities, successfully influenced both the institutions and the general public. Despite wide range of activities and modest resources, civil society organisations had an impact on actions of the government, public institutions, and the media. The fight against corruption became one of the central issues in the then Serbia's political debate. Yet the anti-corruption achievements of Serbian civil society organisations in the period 2000-2005, were limited due to a chronic deficit of political, professional, and moral responsibility of all social actors, resulting in "systemic error" of public policies strategic design aimed at combating corruption - the lack of a participatory political culture. The lack of a participatory political culture in citizen action has limited efficiency in achieving development policy goals, and in implementation and monitoring of public policies relevant to curbing corruption. Belief has been established, that citizens do not ask questions and therefore do not have the power to exercise policy influence nor to shape the environment in which they live. As the concept of political community is a special construct based on democracy and human rights, non-inclusiveness as previously outlined here destructively affected society by making deeper asymmetries of all kinds due to disintegrating influence that prevents the final community constitution through democratic institutions.

Srđan Korać

Aleksandra Bulatović

The role of civil society organisations in initiating an anti-corruption policy in Serbia

塞尔维亚反腐败政策中公民社会组织的作用

The main research objective of the article was to assess the nature and the way of the transformation of Russia's political system over the past 23 years. The process of transformation taking place there, was analyzed in the context of Samuel Huntington's Third Wave paradigm, which, in the opinion of the author, was considered the most corresponding to the changes occurring in Russian Federation after 2000. In connection with the above, an attempt was made to answer the following research questions: Firstly, what was the specificity of the democratization of the political system during last 23 years in Russia? Secondly, whether a de facto retreat from democratization began in the first decades of the 21st century? Thirdly, whether the political system of the Russian Federation can now be considered fully authoritarian? Democratic transformation in Russia in the near future is assessed as problematic, and the possible scenario of such events seems non-representational at this moment. As can be seen from the in-depth analysis, democratization is not a state achieved once and for all, it is an extremely complex form and requires constant, systematic improvement and subjective participation of citizens, which the political system of Russia is still not characterized by. The most useful research methods that author used in writing this article were the case study, the decision-making and systemic methods.

Artem Susolia

Problems of democratization in XXI century: The case of Russia resume

21世纪民主化问题：俄罗斯案例再探

Starting from the thesis that critical discourse studies, with their qualitative, critical and explanatory approach to the study of political communication, represent a valuable complement to the dominant approaches that privilege the positivist paradigm and quantitative research, in this paper we tried to provide more complex insights into the scientific contributions of these studies to the study of political discourse, through observing the specifics of their theoretical-methodological frameworks, analytical categories and interpretive procedures. For this purpose, some of the key features of Teun van Dijk's sociocognitive approach, Paul Chilton's cognitive-linguistic approach, Ruth Wodak's discursive-historical approach and Norman Fairclough's dialectical-relational argumentative approach were considered. In the introductory part of the paper, we provided an overview of the general distinctive features, main starting points and research interests of the critical analysis of political discourse, as well as an insight into the basic dilemma related to the scope of the content of the term "political discourse". The central part of the work consists of two complementary parts. In the first part, we started from the presentation of the analytical aspects of the following levels and dimensions of the political discourse structure: topics, superstructures or textual schemata, local semantics, lexicon, syntax, rhetoricand speech acts. Using an analytical-synthetic approach, we connected the semantic-grammatical dimensions of the textual level and the cognitive-pragmatic dimensions of the discursive level of production and analysis of political discourse. The second part of the central part of the work is focused on the presentation of the theoretical framework of the argumentative approach to political discourse, as a kind of upgrade and reframing of existing conceptual settings and analytical categories. In the concluding review of the insights reached in the article, as the main scientific contribution of critical studies of political discourse, we singled out the way in which is achieved the synthesis of systemic, but contextually sensitive textual analysis on the one hand, and descriptive, normative and explanatory viewpoints of critical social research, on the other.

Milena Pešić

Political discourse in the research lense of the contemporary critical studies

当代批判研究视角下的政治话语

Education for dialogue and tolerance in institutional schools in the Republic of Serbia began intensively at the time of the beginning of the education reforms in 2001, first by introducing the subjects Religious Education and Civic Education into the educational process, and then by redefining the teaching content in general education subjects in basic and secondary schools. There are many different public debates about the effects of the Religious Education and Civic Education subjects, as well as some partial researches, which indicate different results. The subject of this paper is the consideration of the basic characteristics of education for dialogue and tolerance, as well as educational models of their implementation, with special attention being paid to primary and secondary education in Serbia. In this research, the method of content analysis was applied, which was approached from a holistic point of view, which entailed a detailed study of certain contents in the scientific literature, analysis of relevant documents and published results of previous research. At the same time, special attention was always focused on understanding the meaning of those contents and their structure in the context of the topic of this paper. The results of this research show that institutional education for dialogue and tolerance in Serbia is consistent with: cultural and social values; ideological and political goals of the development of society; and that such education is correlated with relevant international documents and experiences of European democratic societies, all of which should contribute to the development of the neoliberal model of political culture. The potential of education for dialogue and tolerance in Serbia is great, but the reliable effects of such education are still questionable.

Bojana Sekulić

Institutional education for dialogue and tolerance in Serbia

塞尔维亚的对话与宽容机构教育

Publication Information	Publisher: Centre for Evaluation in Education and Science (CEON/CEES)，Publishing cycle: ，Journal Type: journal，Open Access Journals: Yes
Basic data	Year of publication: 2008，Proportion of original research papers: 0.00%，Self Citation Rate:N.A.， Gold OA Rate: 0.00%
Average review cycle	16 weeks

Srpska politička misao

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Family in displacement and its role in cultural adaptation and native language preservation

A contribution to the debate on the policy of sanctioning corporal punishment of children in Serbia: Attitude inconsistency

Implementation of it in the public sector by local authorities: Benefits and challenges

Nauka i naučnice u Srbiji i svetu

The role of civil society organisations in initiating an anti-corruption policy in Serbia

Family in displacement and its role in cultural adaptation and native language preservation

A contribution to the debate on the policy of sanctioning corporal punishment of children in Serbia: Attitude inconsistency

Problems of democratization in XXI century: The case of Russia resume

Political discourse in the research lense of the contemporary critical studies

Institutional education for dialogue and tolerance in Serbia