Arabic Sciences and Philosophy (ASP) is an international journal devoted to the Arabic sciences, mathematics and philosophy in the world of Islam between the eighth and eighteenth centuries, in a cross-cultural context.  In 2009, the journal extended its scope to include important papers on scientific modernization from the nineteenth century in the Islamic world.  Together with original studies on the history of all these fields, ASP also offers work on the inter-relations between Arabic and Greek, Indian, Chinese, Latin, Byzantine, Syriac and Hebrew sciences and philosophy.  Casting new light on the growth of these disciplines, as well as on the social and ideological context in which this growth took place, ASP is essential reading for those interested in these areas.

Arabic Sciences and Philosophy (ASP) is an international journal dedicated to the study of Arabic sciences, mathematics, and philosophy within the Islamic world from the eighth to the eighteenth centuries, framed in a cross-cultural context. In 2009, the journal broadened its scope to include significant papers on scientific modernization in the Islamic world during the nineteenth century. Alongside original studies on the history of these fields, ASP also presents research on the interrelations between Arabic and Greek, Indian, Chinese, Latin, Byzantine, Syriac, and Hebrew sciences and philosophies. By shedding new light on the development of these disciplines and the social and ideological contexts in which this development occurred, ASP is essential reading for those interested in these areas.

《Arabic Sciences and Philosophy》是一本国际期刊，专注于伊斯兰世界中八世纪至十八世纪的阿拉伯科学、数学和哲学，具有跨文化的视角。2009年，该期刊扩展了其范围，纳入了关于十九世纪伊斯兰世界科学现代化的重要论文。除了对这些领域历史的原创研究外，《Arabic Sciences and Philosophy》还提供了关于阿拉伯与希腊、印度、中国、拉丁、拜占庭、叙利亚和希伯来科学与哲学之间相互关系的研究。该期刊为这些学科的发展以及这一发展所处的社会和意识形态背景提供了新的视角，是对这些领域感兴趣的研究者必读的资料。

Arabic Sciences and Philosophy

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Bell Bain

Mohammed Abattouy

ASP volume 31 issue 1 Cover and Front matter

ASP 第31卷第1期封面及前页

Abstract ʾAbū Saʿīd al-Siǧzī was a prominent fourth/tenth century astronomer and mathematician who was one of the first contributors to the new genre of ʿilm al-hay ʾa (science of the configuration). However, little is known about the initial steps taken in the formation of the discipline, or its independence from other astronomical writings and practices. In this paper, I will discuss new findings about Siǧzī’s life to determine details of his biography and a more precise time period for his scientific activities. I then describe, for the first time, a composition in theoretical astronomy from the fourth/tenth century, the “Structure of the orbs” ( Tarkīb al-aflāk ) by Siǧzī to show its place in the formation of the discipline of ʿilm al-hay ʾa , comparing Siǧzī’s book to the earlier work of al-Farġānī on the size of the earth and the number of celestial spheres. I conclude that Siǧzī’s Tarkīb al-aflāk is the earliest known example of a book that contains only topics found in later hay ʾa and may be the first appearance of the ninth celestial orb that became standard in the later genre.

Younes Mahdavi

ʾABŪ SAʿĪD AL-SIǦZĪ AND THE “STRUCTURE OF THE ORBS,” THE EARLIEST KNOWN WORK ON HAYʾA

阿布·赛义德·西吉兹与《天体结构》，已知最早的HAYʾA著作

Abstract We study to what extent the Milky Way was used as an orientation tool at the beginning of the Islamic period covering the 8th to the 15th century, with a focus on the first half of that era. We compare the texts of three authors from three different periods and give detailed comments on their astronomical and traditional content. The text of al-Marzūqī summarises the information on the Milky Way put forward by the astronomer and geographer ʾAbū Ḥanīfa al-Dīnawarī. The text makes it clear that in some areas the Milky Way could be used as a geographical guide to determine the approximate direction toward a region on Earth or the direction of prayer. In the 15th century, the famous navigator Aḥmad b. Māǧid describes the Milky Way in his nautical instructions. He frequently demonstrates that the Milky Way serves as a guidance aid to find constellations and stars that are useful for precise navigation on land and at sea. On the other hand, Ibn Qutayba quotes in his description of the Milky Way a saying from the famous Bedouin poet Ḏū al-Rumma, which is also mentioned by al-Marzūqī. In this saying the Milky Way is used to indicate the hot summer times in which travelling the desert was particularly difficult. Hence, the Milky Way was useful for orientation in space and time and was used for agricultural and navigational purposes.

Andreas Eckart

USE OF THE GALAXY AS A TOOL FOR SPATIAL AND TEMPORAL ORIENTATION DURING THE EARLY ISLAMIC PERIOD AND UP TO THE 15TH CENTURY

早期伊斯兰时期至15世纪利用银河作为空间和时间定向的工具

ASP volume 31 issue 2 Cover and Front matter

ASP 第31卷第2期封面及前页

Le fr. 2 de Boéthos de Sidon est transmis par deux commentateurs alexandrins des Catégories d'Aristote. En voici le texte grec: [2a] Ioannes Philoponus, In Aristotelis Categorias commentarium , 5.15-20 Τρίτον ἦν ἐφεξῆς κεφάλαιον τὸ πόθεν δεῖ ἄρχεσθαι τῶν Ἀριστοτελι-[16]κῶν συγγραμμάτων. Βόηθος μὲν οὖν φησιν ὁ Σιδώνιος δεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς [17] φυσικῆς ἄρχεσθαι πραγματείας ἅτε ἡμῖν συνηθεστέρας καὶ γνωρίμου, δεῖν [18] δὲ ἀεὶ ἀπὸ τῶν σαφεστέρων ἄρχεσθαι καὶ γνωρίμων. ὁ δὲ τούτου δι-[19]δάσκαλος Ἀνδρόνικος ὁ Ῥόδιος ἀκριβέστερον ἐξετάζων ἔλεγε χρῆναι πρό-[20]τερον ἀπὸ τῆς λογικῆς ἄρχεσθαι, ἥτις περὶ τὴν ἀπόδειξιν καταγίνεται.

Marwan Rashed

NOTE : UN TÉMOIN ARABE DU FRAGMENT 2 DE BOÉTHOS DE SIDON ET LE PROBLÈME DU RAPPORT CHRONOLOGIQUE ENTRE ANDRONICOS ET BOÉTHOS

注意：阿拉伯语碎片2的目击者博埃托斯·西顿与安德罗尼科斯与博埃托斯之间年代关系的问题

Abstract This article brings to light a previously unedited short treatise, the Masʾalatān (Two Questions), attributed to Avicenna (d. 1037). While the earliest witness to the text is the Ayasofya 4853 manuscript, containing a substantial portion of Avicenna's Nachlass, some of which is integrated into the Mubāḥaṯāt and Taʿlīqāt , the Masʾalatān has remained a standalone work with limited circulation. Consequently, the primary concern revolves around the verification of its authenticity and its feasibility given the available data. This article presents a critical edition of the text alongside a parallel translation but it also serves as a case study on the possibilities of authorship verification. It also compiles information from codicology, nevertheless, it primarily focuses on the commentary that analyses and compares the arguments to Avicenna's unquestionably authentic solutions. The first question addresses whether every existent is spatially located, while the second explores the impossibility of an actual infinite body. The commentary endeavors to interpret the text against the cultural and theological background that may have inspired such inquiries, meanwhile also seeks to address its later influence. In addition to unveiling a hitherto unseen text to the scholarly community for further research, it also offers an insight into the limitations of authorship attribution.

István Lánczky

TWO QUESTIONS: THE MASʾALATĀN AND THE AVICENNIAN CORPUS

两个问题：《马斯阿拉塔尼》与阿维森纳文集

Résumé Depuis son édition par Heiberg au XIX e s., on savait que le texte grec de La mesure du cercle d'Archimède qui nous est parvenu est fautif, altéré par l'intervention d'un compilateur. Pour certaines de ses parties au moins, il est donc d'une authenticité douteuse. Plus récemment, l'examen de la traduction latine (au IX e siècle) de la traduction arabe de ce texte a permis de conclure que le manuscrit grec traduit appartient à une tradition textuelle meilleure et plus ancienne que le texte édité par Heiberg. Dans cette étude, on trouve l'editio princeps de la traduction arabe de La mesure du cercle , sa première traduction et une analyse historique et mathématique. Les nombreuses lectures de cette traduction faites au cours des siècles ont inspiré plusieurs « rédactions ». Trois d'entre elles seront éditées, traduites et examinées dans une prochaine étude.

Roshdi Rashed

LA VERSION ARABE DE LA MESURE DU CERCLE D'ARCHIMÈDE I

阿拉伯文版《阿基米德的圆的度量》I

Abstract This paper aims to introduce and discuss al-Fārābī's (d. 950–1 CE) fallacy from transfer and substitution in his little-studied “On Deceptive Topoi” ( Kitāb al-amkina al-muġalliṭa ) and the criticism leveled at him by Averroes (d. 1198 CE) for violating Aristotle's claim of the exhaustiveness of his list of fallacies. The first and larger half of this paper introduces al-Fārābī's treatise and its innovations upon Aristotle's Sophistici elenchi . The second half focuses on Averroes’ criticism in his so-called middle commentary ( talḫīṣ ) on Aristotle's SE and discusses the validity of his arguments against al-Fārābī. As the final analysis will show, Averroes’ criticism does not sufficiently take into account the independence of al-Fārābī's treatise from Aristotle's SE, its disregard for the study of dialectical deception and counter-deception, and its particular focus on the demonstrative sciences. In light of al-Fārābī's innovation his “On Deceptive Topoi” turns out to be a work of great originality drawing on a broad range of source texts.

Alexander Lamprakis

AL-FĀRĀBĪ’S EIGHTH FALLACY EXTRA DICTIONEM AND AVERROES’ CRITICISM

阿尔-法拉比第八谬误超词义与阿威罗伊的批评

Abstract Ibn Sīnā famously opens The Metaphysics ( Al-ilāhiyyāt ) of The Healing ( Al-šifāʾ ) with a discussion of what constitutes the subject matter of that science. Several candidates are introduced and subsequently dismissed, before “the existent qua existent” is identified as its subject matter. Among the candidates dismissed, he mentions “the ultimate causes for all existents, the four of them” (which are, however, things investigated [ maṭālib ] in this science). Here, Ibn Sīnā comes to problematise the notion of causality itself. He is adamant that “the existence of causes for things which are effects” is not self-evident, but needs to be proven by the metaphysician by means of a “demonstrative clarification” ( bayān burhānī ). He explains why sensation ( ḥiss ) and experience ( taǧriba ) cannot prove causality, before turning to its metaphysical proof. In this article, I investigate what Ibn Sīnā thought this “demonstrative clarification” of causality is. I present an analysis of his train of thought and a commentary on the various points he makes, leading up to his proof of causality. These points touch on problems of psychology, scientific method, and scientific proof, and can be unpacked by taking into account explanations he offers elsewhere.

Hannah C. Erlwein

IBN SĪNĀ ON PROVING CAUSALITY

伊本·西那论因果关系的证明

Abstract Averroes’ “Epistle on Divine Knowledge” presents four different dialogues on two textual levels. These dialogues, the syllogistic structure of the arguments in them, and their use of contradictories indicate that the “Epistle on Divine Knowledge” is structured nearly entirely in accordance with the descriptions of dialectic we find in Averroes’ commentaries on Aristotle's Topica . Accordingly, Averroes’ solution to the question of how God can have universal knowledge of particular things is a dialectical account of the distinction between Divine and human knowledge. Moreover, at a crucial point in the “Epistle on Divine Knowledge” Averroes refers to Aristotle, Metaphysics Β, which he considers to a dialectical exposition of questions on metaphysics. This reference suggests that Averroes sees the “Epistle on Divine Knowledge” as a kind of dialectical inquiry aimed at answering questions that arise at the outset of studying metaphysics. So, while it is possible to view the “Epistle on Divine Knowledge” as a dialectical interpretation of Quran 67:14, its primary purpose is to introduce its readers to metaphysical speculation. Thus it does not violate Averroes’ legal prohibition given in the Decisive Treatise against declaring dialectical interpretations in books available to the general public.

Abbreviation	Arab. Sci. Philos.
Journal Impact	0.13

ISSN	0957-4239, 1474-0524
h-index	21

Publication Information	Publisher: Cambridge University Press，Publishing cycle: ，Journal Type: journal，Open Access Journals: No
Basic data	Year of publication: 1991，Proportion of original research papers: 100.00%，Self Citation Rate:33.30%， Gold OA Rate: 19.23%

Arabic Sciences and Philosophy

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