Souls

This roundtable describes the creation and evolution of the Intersectional Black Panther Party (BPP) History Project, a feminist collective created by Angela D. LeBlanc-Ernest, Tracye A. Matthews, Mary Phillips, and Robyn C. Spencer, four Black women historians who have spent decades researching and writing about Panther women's lives. Our discussion centers around the intellectual legacy of the Combahee River Collective to explore the utility of Black feminist methodologies in studying the BPP; the state of the field; silences in the historiography around queer identities, pleasure, and gendering men; and the impact of the crisis facing Black women in the larger society on our work as scholar-activists.

Mary Phillips

Robyn C. Spencer

Angela D. LeBlanc-Ernest

Tracye A. Matthews

Ode to Our Feminist Foremothers: The Intersectional Black Panther Party History Project on Collaborative Praxis and Fifty Years of Panther History

致敬我们的女性主义先驱：交叉性黑豹党历史项目中的协作实践与五十年黑豹党历史

This article is focused on a critical and oppositional approach to diversity work on college campuses--what we call “anti-diversity” work—that builds on and operationalizes various principles of black feminist thought articulated by the Combahee River Collective and other black feminist thinkers. At our small, Midwestern, residential, liberal arts college, we are “doing” anti-diversity work through a new faculty/staff development initiative, a project we developed and are currently implementing, called the Decolonizing Pedagogies Project (DPP). This project draws on concepts like intersectionality and coalition building, along with centering our inquiry on the experiences and theorizing of marginalized bodies and thought, to create decolonial locations that make space for “alternative ways of producing and validating knowledge itself.” The DPP demands that those who engage with the project do deep self reflection on the ways whiteness shapes and holds them to rigid understandings of diversity and inclusion that, as a result, preclude sustained institutional change. Using an intersectional lens, the foundational assumption of this approach is that “black women are inherently valuable” and that the liberation of black women would mean the liberation of everyone, because all systems of oppression would be toppled in the process.

Nicole Truesdell

Jesse Carr

Catherine M. Orr

The Role of Combahee in Anti-Diversity Work

Combahee在反多样性工作中的作用

In the wake of Hurricane Katrina, the leaders of the quarter-century-old Women With A Vision (WWAV) collective launched a coordinated campaign to expose and challenge the criminalization of Black cisgender and transgender women working in New Orleans' street-based economies. For the simple act of trading sex for money to survive, hundreds were convicted of a felony-level Crime Against Nature by Solicitation (CANS) and forced to register as sex offenders for periods of fifteen years to life. After five years of organizing, WWAV successfully overturned the statute, thereby securing the removal of more than 800 people from the Louisiana sex offender registry list. This article brings a fine-grained analysis to WWAV's process of organizing against CANS in order to trace the making of this criminalization crisis and to clarify the terrain of the organization's victory. It argues that WWAV organized through a distinct southern Black feminist tradition in order to disrupt the use of CANS as a technology of post-Katrina predatory policing. By refusing their erasure from the city of their birth, WWAV staff and participants not only rendered visible the mundane terror of targeted criminalization against Black women; they also opened new horizons for Black feminist struggle and collective liberation.

Laura McTighe

Deon Haywood

“There Is NO Justice in Louisiana”: Crimes against Nature and the Spirit of Black Feminist Resistance

“路易斯安那州没有正义”：针对自然的犯罪与黑人女性主义抵抗精神

Building on Carole Boyce Davies’s important contributions to the discourse on “deportable subjects,” this article theorizes the ways in which the trifecta of foreignness, Blackness, and radicalism came to be understood as mutually constituting forms of subversion and sedition against which extreme forms of violence and exclusion were imposed. Using the repression of West Indians Claudia Jones and Cyril Lionel, Robert (C.L.R.) James, and U.S. radical Paul Robeson, I show that antiforeignness applied not only to origin, but also to ideas and internationalist politics. Radical Black internationalism in particular reified the Black—irrespective of citizenship status—as outsider that must be contained and circumscribed. These arguments are contextually situated in the regime of repression I call the “McCarthyist Structure of Feeling.” This era includes the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, the Alien Registration Act of 1940 (commonly known as the Smith Act), the Attorney General’s List of Subversive Organizations, and the Internal Security Act of 1950 (also known as the McCarran Act). It was under this legal architecture that scores of radicals were indicted, deported, incarcerated, surveilled, and forced underground.

Charisse Burden-Stelly

Constructing Deportable Subjectivity: Antiforeignness, Antiradicalism, and Antiblackness during the McCarthyist Structure of Feeling

构建可驱逐的主体性：麦卡锡主义情感结构中的排外、反激进主义与反黑人主义

Between January and May of 1979, twelve similarly situated black women were murdered in Boston, Massachusetts. Just two years past the writing of what would become their canonical feminist statement, the Combahee River Collective (CRC) mobilized around the series of deaths along with other grassroots organizations and members of the local community. The CRC's most significant intervention in that crisis was the creation and circulation of a pamphlet that was initially titled, "Six Black Women: Why Did They Die?" that was meant to (1) help women within the affected area know how to better protect themselves, (2) name the conditions that had produced the women's deaths and the city's subsequent failure to acknowledge or contend with their deaths in any meaningful way, and (3) evince the value of black women's lives. The serial murders of black women have continued on unabated since 1979, and this article uses the occasion of the Boston murders to discuss how the CRC's writing and activism enable a theorization of the serialization of black death that expands meaningfully on the scholarship around serial murder.

Terrion L. Williamson

Why Did They Die? On Combahee and the Serialization of Black Death

他们为何而死？论科姆巴希与黑人死亡的连续性

AbstractThis article keys in on antiblackness and distinguishes it from racism, laying bare the false universality of the Social and the Human: Racism takes place in the Social among the Human, while antiblackness continually casts Black people and Blackness out of those foundational modern categories whose definitions derive from the violent expulsion. To delineate, the article analyzes two paradigmatic texts that strive to deal uncompromisingly with antiblackness but through the language of racism: George Yancey’s Who Is White? and “The Combahee River Collective Statement.” The article concludes by suggesting the need for a Fanonian leap of invention and an all-encompassing abolition.Keywords: antiblacknessantiracismBlack feminismCombahee River Collectiveintersectionalityradical politicsracismsocial theory Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Brandon Griggs, “Living While Black,” CNN.com, December 28, 2018, https://www.cnn.com/2018/12/20/us/living-while-black-police-calls-trnd/ (accessed January 21, 2021). Some items of the first paragraph are direct quotes, while others are slightly edited.2 Hortense Spillers, Black, White, and in Color: Essays on American Literature and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 221.3 Dred Scott v. Sanford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857) at 404–405, 417, 420.4 Note, too, the concluding phrase, “at their own pleasure.” On the law, antiblackness, and pleasure, see Anthony Paul Farley, “Perfecting Slavery,” Loyola University Chicago Law Journal 36, no. 1 (2005), 221–251.5 Moon-Kie Jung, Beneath the Surface of White Supremacy: Denaturalizing U.S. Racisms Past and Present (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015), ch. 3.6 The notion of “right to have rights” is, of course, Hannah Arendt’s (The Origins of Totalitarianism [New York: Harvest, (1951) 1976], 296).7 Orlando Patterson, “Preface, 2018,” in Slavery and Social Death (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018), ix.8 W.E.B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, [1899] 1996), 387.9 Saidiya V. Hartman, Lose Your Mother: A Journey along the Atlantic Slave Route (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2007), 6; “The Time of Slavery,” South Atlantic Quarterly 101, no. 4 (2002): 757.10 George Yancey, Who is White? Latinos, Asians, and the New Black/Nonblack Divide (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003); The Combahee River Collective, “The Combahee River Collective Statement,” in How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective, edited by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor (Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, [1997] 2017), 15–27.11 W.E.B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction (New York: Russell & Russell, 1935). This and the next two paragraphs draw from João H. Costa Vargas and Moon-Kie Jung, “Antiblackness of the Social and the Human,” in Antiblackness, edited by Moon-Kie Jung and João H. Costa Vargas (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2021), 1–14.12 In Logics of History: Social Theory and Social Transformation, William Sewell Jr. distills a lifetime of interdisciplinary work across the social sciences and renders explicit what is usually implicit: “The social is the complex and inescapable ontological ground of our common life as humans” (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005, 369).13 On “extreme antisocial situations,” see George Steinmetz, “Social Fields, Subfields and Social Spaces at the Scale of Empires: Explaining the Colonial State and Colonial Sociology,” Sociological Review Monographs 64, no. 2 (2016): 98–123. We capitalize the Social and, later, the Human to specify their modernity.14 Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), 5, 7, 13.15 By the modern era, the social death of slavery had become for Europeans “a fate worse than [physical] death and, as such, was reserved for non-Europeans,” Africans singularly above all (David Eltis, “Europeans and the Rise and Fall of African Slavery in the Americas: An Interpretation,” American Historical Review 98, no. 5 [1993]: 1409).16 Hartman, “The Time of Slavery,” 757.17 Saidiya V. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997).18 Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro, 386–387.19 Saidiya Hartman and Frank Wilderson, “The Position of the Unthought.” Qui Parle 13, no. 2 (2003):183–201.20 Of Scenes of Subjection, Hartman says, “I think of the book as an allegory; its argument is a history of the present.” On history of the present, see Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Pantheon, 1977); David Garland, “What is a 'History of the Present'? On Foucault’s Genealogies and Their Critical Preconditions,” Punishment & Society 16, no. 4 (2014): 365–384.21 On neoslavery, see Douglas A. Blackmon, Slavery by Another Name (New York: Doubleday, 2008).22 Vargas and Jung, “Antiblackness of the Social and the Human.”23 Hartman and Wilderson, “The Position of the Unthought,” 192; Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 206.24 bell hooks, We Real Cool: Black Men and Masculinity (London: Routledge, 2004); Howard Winant, The World is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy Since World War II (London, UK: Basic Books, 2002).25 Ruth Wilson Gilmore, “Race and Globalization,” in Geographies of Global Change: Remapping the World, edited by Ron Johnston, Peter J. Taylor, and Michael Watts (New York: Wiley-Blackwell, 2002), 261; emphasis added.26 Ruth Wilson Gilmore, “Fatal Couplings of Power and Difference: Notes on Racism and Geography,” The Professional Geographer 54, no. 1 (2002): 16.27 Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States (New York: Routledge, 2015), 130.28 James Baldwin, “My Dungeon Shook: Letter to My Nephew on the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Emancipation,” in James Baldwin: Collected Essays (New York, NY: Library of America, [1962] 1998), 294.29 Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (New York: Grove Press, 1967), 110.30 Toni Morrison, The Bluest Eye (New York: Vintage International, [1970] 2007), 48.31 Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro, 386–387.32 Yancey, Who Is White?, 83.33 Ibid., 72.34 Ibid., 10.35 Though not discussed here, our critique extends beyond mainstream social theories to all social theories, including the most radical varieties. See Moon-Kie Jung, “The Enslaved, the Worker, and Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction: Toward an Underdiscipline of Antisociology,” Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 5, no. 2 (2019): 157–168; Vargas and Jung, “Antiblackness of the Social and the Human.”36 Yancey, Who Is White?, 15.37 Ibid., 44, 47.38 Ibid., 159.39 Spillers, Black, White, and in Color, 221.40 Vargas and Jung, “Antiblackness of the Social and the Human.”41 Robert E. Park, “Our Racial Frontier on the Pacific,” The Survey 56, no. 3 (1926): 196.42 Jung, Beneath the Surface of White Supremacy, ch. 4; “The Enslaved, the Worker, and Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction,” 166n25.43 Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 229; emphasis in original.44 James Baldwin, “The American Dream and the American Negro,” in James Baldwin: Collected Essays (New York: Library of America, [1965] 1998), 714.45 Diane Fujino and Matef Harmachis, eds., Black Power Afterlives: The Enduring Significance of the Black Panther Party (Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2020); Barbara Ransby, Making All Black Lives Matter: Reimagining Freedom in the Twenty-First Century, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2018); Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, ed., How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective (Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2017).46 In this regard, Demita Frazier, one of the key members of the Combahee River Collective, recounts, “I have to talk to the young woman – Kimberlé Crenshaw … who says that she coined the term intersectionality. I always laugh when I read that because I remember the day we were sitting at the woman's center in Cambridge, drafting our probably third or fourth draft of the statement, I said ‘you know, we stand at the intersection where our identities are indivisible.' There is no separation. We are as Black women truly and completely intact in our paradox, and there's nothing paradoxical about oppression” [“Demita Frazier,” in How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective, edited by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor (Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, [1997] 2017), 123].47 “The Combahee River Collective Statement,” 15.48 We Real Cool, 134.49 An End to the Neglect of the Problems of the Negro Woman! (New York: National Women’s Commission, Communist Party USA, 1949), 4.50 “The Combahee River Collective Statement,” 22–23.51 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (New York: Routledge, 1990).52 Collins, Black Feminist Thought; Cedric Robinson, Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000); Satya P. Mohanty, “The Epistemic Status of Cultural Identity: On Beloved and the Postcolonial Condition,” in Reclaiming Identity, edited by P.M.L. Moya and M.R. Hames-Garcia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000).53 “The Combahee River Collective Statement,” 15.54 “Barbara Smith,” in How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective, edited by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor (Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, [1997] 2017), 44–45.55 Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 16.56 On liberal, radical, and revolutionary Black feminisms, see Joy James, Shadowboxing: Representations of Black Feminist Politics (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 79.57 “The Combahee River Collective Statement,” 22–23.58 Ibid., 19–20.59 Ibid., 20, 26, 27.60 “Alicia Garza,” in How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective, edited by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor (Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2017), 160–161; emphasis added.61 Ibid., 163–164; emphasis in original.62 Ibid., 165.63 Vargas and Jung, “Antiblackness of the Social and the Human.”64 Black Skin, White Masks, 229; emphasis in original.65 “No Lords A-Leaping: Fanon, C.L.R. James, and the Politics of Invention,” Humanities 3 (2014): 518.66 Kwame Ture, “Afterword,” in Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, by Kwame Ture and Charles V. Hamilton (New York, NY: Vintage, 1992).67 Scenes of Subjection, 85.68 Lélia Gonzalez, “A Categoria Político-cultural de Amefricanidade,” Tempo Brasileiro (1988), 69–82; Beth Richie, “Exploring the Link between Violence against Women and Women's Involvement in Illegal Activity,” in Research on Women and Girls in the Justice System: Plenary Papers in the 1999 Conference on Criminal Justice Research and Evaluation – Enhancing Policy and Practice through Research (Washington, DC: Department of Justice, 2000), 1–14; Dorothy Roberts, Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty (New York, NY: Pantheon Books, 1997); Christina Sharpe, In the Wake: On Blackness and Being (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016).69 Ibid.70 Patterson, Slavery and Social Death; Joy James, ed., The New Abolitionists: (Neo)Slave Narratives and Contemporary Prison Writings (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005).71 “Black Feminist Theory for the Dead and Dying,” Theory & Event 21:1 (2018): 115; emphasis in original.72 Frank Wilderson III, “Gramsci’s Black Marx: Whither the Slave in Civil Society?,” We Write 2(1): 1–17.73 Sylvia Wynter and Katherine McKittrick, “Unparalleled Catastrophe for our Species?,” in Sylvia Wynter: On Being Human as Praxis, edited by Katherine McKittrick (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015), 9–89.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMoon-Kie JungMoon-Kie Jung teaches sociology and antisociology at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst.João H. Costa VargasJoão H. Costa Vargas works at the University of California, Riverside, plantation.

Moon-Kie Jung

João H. Costa Vargas

More Than and Beyond Racism: Theoretical and Political Meditations on Antiblackness

超越种族主义：反黑人主义的理论与政治沉思

Christopher Montague

A Black Construction of Colonialism: The Black Marxist Response to Fascism in the 1930s

殖民主义的黑人构建：20世纪30年代黑人马克思主义者对法西斯的回应

AbstractOn May 14, 1838 abolitionists, black and white, converged in Philadelphia for the dedication of a newly erected building constructed as a meeting place to freely exchange ideas about liberty and equality for all. Three days later, on May 17th, the building was in ashes, burned to the ground by a white mob while government officials did little to intervene. Philadelphia, the former capital of the nation known throughout the country as a beacon of freedom and hub of abolitionism, became another setting of collective racial violence fueled by white rage. In response to the events, abolitionist Frederick Douglass condemned Philadelphia scathingly writing, “Shame Upon the Guilty City!” Almost two centuries later, the nation’s Capitol and symbol of liberty was besieged by a wrath-filled, mostly white mob in a manner similar to the Philadelphia riot of 1838. The preconditions of both violent attacks, the role of the state in their unfolding, and subsequent historical amnesia in their wake underscore the cyclical nature of white rage. This article argues that analyzing the example of Pennsylvania Hall’s destruction alongside the Capitol insurrection reveals historical trends within violent rioting incited by threats to the status quo of white hegemony.Keywords: black activismcomparative historyriotingwhite rage Notes1 “President-elect Biden Remarks on U.S. Capitol Protesters,” January. 6, 2021, C-Span, video, 1:33–42; 3:23–8, https://www.c-span.org/video/?507742-1/president-elect-biden-at-hour-democracy-unprecedented-assault2 Frederick Douglass, “Philadelphia,” The North Star, October 19, 1849.3 See Carol Anderson, White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide, rpt. (New York: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2017).4 See Dylan Rodriguez, White Reconstruction: Domestic Warfare and the Logics of Genocide (New York: Fordham University Press, 2020); Sheila Smith McKoy, When Whites Riot: Writing Race and Violence in American and South African Cultures (Minneapolis: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001); Michael J Pfeifer, Lynching Beyond Dixie: American Mob Violence Outside the South (Baltimore: University of Illinois Press, 2013).5 Anne Bonds and Joshua Inwood, “Relations of Power: The U.S. Capitol Insurrection, White Supremacy and US Democracy,” Society and Space 42, no. 2 (August 9, 2021).6 Gary Nash, Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia's Black Community, 1720–1840 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 173–5; Ira Berlin, “Slavery, Freedom, and Philadelphia's Struggle for Brotherly Love, 1685–1861,” in Antislavery and Abolitionism in Philadelphia: Emancipation and The Long Struggle for Racial Justice in the City of Brotherly Love, eds. Richard Newman and James Mueller (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2011), 25.7 W.E.B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996), 26–8; Nash, Forging Freedom, 62–6, 173–5, 181–3; Richard Newman, The Transformation of American Abolitionism: Fighting Slavery in the Early Republic, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), ch. 3.8 Erica Armstrong Dunbar, A Fragile Freedom: African American Women and Emancipation in the Antebellum City (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008), 132–7; See also Joanne Pope Melish, Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and “Race” in New England, 1780–1860 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), 165–82.9 “For the Colored American,” The Colored American, August 18, 1838.10 Koritha Mitchell, Living with Lynching: African American Lynching Plays, Performance, and Citizenship, 1890–1930 (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2011), 3–4.11 Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro, 25–31.12 Berlin, “Slavery, Freedom, and Philadelphia's Struggle for Brotherly Love,” 25. See also Newman, The Transformation of American Abolitionism, 7–10; Beverly Tomek, Pennsylvania Hall: A “Legal Lynching” in the Shadow of the Liberty Bell (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), ch. 3.13 David Walker, Appeal, In Four Articles, Together with A Preamble to The Colored Citizens of The World, revised ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Library, 2011), 70.14 “Opening of the Hall” The Pennsylvania Freeman, May 17, 1838.15 Tomek, Pennsylvania Hall, 125–6, 133–4.16 Anderson, White Rage, 3–4.17 James Baldwin, The Fire Next Time, reprint (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), 8–9.18 It should be noted that whiteness is a complex historical construction with immigrant groups like the Irish being integrated into white racial categories over the course of the nineteenth centuries. This process has been examined by pioneers of “whiteness studies,” perhaps most notably David R. Roediger and George Lipsitz. See David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (New York: Verso Books, 1991); George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1998) More recently Nell Painter has provided a comprehensive analysis of the historical formation of whiteness in her seminal work The History of White People.19 Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro, 26.20 Ibid, 27–8; Tomek, Pennsylvania Hall, 73–8, 80–2; “Philadelphia Riots–Second Night,” Easton Gazette (Easton, MD), August 23, 1834: 2.21 “American Face of Insurrection: Analysis of Individuals Charged for Storming the US Capitol on January 6, 2021,” Chicago Project on Security & Threats, University of Chicago, 5–15; Scott Tong and Serena McMahon, White, employed and mainstream: What we know about the Jan. 6 rioters one year later,” Here & Now, WBUR NPR January 3, 2022.22 It was not until the 1840s that abolitionist political power and influence began to grow dramatically. See Corey M. Brooks, Liberty Power: Antislavery Third Parties and the Transformation of American Politics (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2016). 23 See for example, Steve Inskeep, “Donald Trump and the Legacy of Andrew Jackson,” The Atlantic, November 30, 2016; Dane Strother, “America lived through a Trump-like presidency before, with lasting consequences,” The Hill, February 24, 2019. For a discussion of Trump’s self-association with Jackson, see for example Jenna Johnson and Karen Tumulty, “Trump Cites Andrew Jackson as His Hero,” Washington Post, March 15, 2017.24 Ibram X. Kendi, Stamped from the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America (New York: Random House Publishing, 169; see also Tomek, Pennsylvania Hall, 76–7. For an analysis of increases in violence during the Trump presidency, see for example Daniel Villarreal, “Hate Crimes under Trump Surged Nearly 20 Percent Says FBI Report,” Newsweek, November 16, 2020.25 Anderson, White Rage, 170.26 Nash, Forging Freedom, 246–8, 272–3. For an in-depth analysis of the myth of the disappearing white majority and its inaccuracies, see Andrew J. Pierce, “The Myth of the White Minority,” Critical Philosophy of Race 3, no. 2 (2015): 305–23.27 Tomek, Pennsylvania Hall, 114–35; “Riot and Arson in Philadelphia,” The Liberator, May 25, 1838.28 William Lloyd Garrison, “PHILADELPHIA, May 18, 1838,” The Liberator, May 25, 1838; Tomek, Pennsylvania Hall, ch. 5–6.29 Jan Wolfe “Trump Wanted Troops to Protect His Supporters at Jan. 6 Rally,” Reuters News, May 12, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/us/congresswoman-says-trump-administration-botched-capitol-riot-preparations-2021-05-12/; Nicole Chavez, “Rioters Breached US Capitol Security on Wednesday. This Was the Police Response When It Was Black Protesters on DC Streets Last Year,” CNN, January 10, 2021, https://www.cnn.com/2021/01/07/us/police-response-black-lives-matter-protest-us-capitol/index.html; Anna North, "Police Bias Explains the Capitol Riot," Vox News, January 12, 2021. https://www.vox.com/22224765/capitol-riot-dc-police-officers.30 Tomek, Pennsylvania Hall, 121–2. See also DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro, 29–30.31 Philadelphia Co., Pa. Sheriff's Office and John Goddard Watmough, Address of John G. Watmough, High Sheriff, to His Constituents (Philadelphia, PA: C. Alexander, printer, 1838), 5. See also Tomek, Pennsylvania Hall, 121–35.32 Philip Bump, “Over and Over, Trump Has Focused on Black Lives Matter as a Target of Derision or Violence,” The Washington Post, September 1, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/09/01/over-over-trump-has-focused-black-lives-matter-target-derision-or-violence/; Tommy Beer, "Trump Called BLM Protesters ‘Thugs’ But Capitol-Storming Supporters ‘Very Special,” Forbes, January 6, 2021, https://www.forbes.com/sites/tommybeer/2021/01/06/trump-called-blm-protesters-thugs-but-capitol-storming-supporters-very-special/?sh=5f52d7113465.33 William Lloyd Garrison, “PHILADELPHIA, May 18, 1838,” The Liberator, May 25, 1838; “Philadelphia Riot,” The Liberator, June 1, 1838; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro, 29.34 “For the Colored American,” The Colored American, July 28, 1838.35 “Mob Law at the Capital,” The Colored American, Dec. 22, 1838; Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro, 29. On the resulting series of court battles see Tomek, Pennsylvania Hall, ch. 10.36 “Philadelphia. Her Good Name–A thing That Was,” The Colored American, June 9, 1838.37 Fabiola Cineas, “Donald Trump is the Accelerant: A Comprehensive Timeline of Trump Encouraging Hate Groups and Political Violence,” Vox News, January 9, 2021, https://www.vox.com/21506029/trump-violence-tweets-racist-hate-speech38 “Burning of Pennsylvania Hall,” The Liberator, June 15, 1838.39 Anderson, White Rage, 176, 178.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMichael Lawrence DickinsonMichael Lawrence Dickinson is an associate professor of history at Virginia Commonwealth University. He was also the 2019-2020 Barra Sabbatical Fellow at University of Pennsylvania’s McNeil Center for Early American Studies. His research examines black communities in early Anglo-American cities. His prize-winning book is Almost Dead: Slavery and Social Rebirth in the Black Urban Atlantic, 1680-1807.

Michael Lawrence Dickinson

“Shame Upon the Guilty City”: Riots and White Rage in the American Past and Present

“罪恶之城蒙羞”：美国过去与现在的骚乱与白人愤怒

In a 1961 radio discussion about Black art and its relationship to Black nationalism, Lorraine Hansberry asked: “Is it necessary to integrate oneself into a burning house?” James Baldwin quoted Hansberry in The Fire Next Time without citing her—words that circulated widely in the Black liberation movement. Variously attributed to Malcolm X, Baldwin, and King, Hansberry’s role in this literary political genealogy has been unacknowledged. She was riffing on Malcolm X’s idea of Islam as a “flaming fire.” But he also developed his parable of the master’s house on fire after Baldwin quoted Hansberry’s words, using the burning house as a symbol of revolution, class struggle, and the relationship between property and citizenship rights in a racial capitalist system. That Malcolm X influenced the Black Arts Movement is widely acknowledged, but he also read, listened to, and conversed with leftist artists, writers, and intellectuals that influenced the development of his own thought and rhetoric. This article explores the call and response between these intellectuals, their critique of integration, and call for a radical Black art—looking at Hansberry’s seminal contribution to these debates.

Ellen McLarney

The Burning House: Revolution and Black Art

燃烧的房子：革命与黑人艺术

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image sizeKeywords: Black Liberation Movementhuman rightsinternational lawMutulu Shakurpolitical prisonerprisoner of war AcknowledgmentsSpecial Thanks to Loti Ocasio Reyes, Malik Dinguswa, and Rashaad Shabazz.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMutulu ShakurDr. Mutulu Shakur is a New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist, anti-imperialist and doctor of acupuncture. He has been a political prisoner since 1986.Notes1 This was written in 1991.2 This paper was developed prior to the Gulf War. The conditions that now have emerged as a result of that war, in Iraq and Kuwait, as well as the recent turmoil in the Soviet Union, demonstrate the urgent need to address human rights protection and violations by international standards where there exists internal political conflict and belligerent military conflict.3 The many internal armed conflicts since 1949 have highlighted the deficiency in Common Article III and illustrated the need to develop new rules for regulating internal armed conflict. From 1974 to 1977, 124 states, 50 nongovernmental organizations, and 11 national liberation movements participated in one or more of the four diplomatic conferences that produced the two protocols added 10 the Geneva Convention of the August 12, 1949. Protocol I was intended to update the law of war regulating international armed conflict between states. Protocol II was adopted to regulate internal armed conflicts. Both Protocol I and II were accepted by the Executive Branch of the U.S. up until the Reagan Administration.4 See sections on political defenses and cases cited therein.5 The question of self-determination will be discussed below. Research demonstrates that the particular issue of self-determination is a primary factor for most political contention within the U.S. albeit not the exclusive Doe.6 Terrorism in the United States. Washington, D.C.: Terrorist Research and Analytical Center, U.S. Dept. of Justice, 1987.7 Ibid., Among these are Titles 18, 26, and 42 of the United States Code.8 Christopher H. Pyle, "Defining Terrorism," Foreign Policy 64 (1988): 63–78; Jay M. Spilane, “Terrorist and Special Status, British Experience in Northern Ireland,” Hastings International and Comparative Law Review 9, no. 3 (Spring 1986): 481–518.9 The precedent of the recent enforcement of the UN Resolution concerning Kuwait and Iraq resulting in allies’ participation in the Gulf War must be viewed in light of U.S. interest. For example, the U.S. did breach an international obligation and became responsible internationally as it did when Congress enacted the Bird Amendment, which pursuant to the “lasting times” rule required the president to violate U.S. sanctions against Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, and yet not be answerable for such a breach in the U.S. court or the international community.10 Fernandez v. Wilkinson, 505 F. Supp. 787 (D. Kan. 1980). https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/505/787/1950110/11 The following legal principles are defined. Standing doctrine is a standard to determine who can “stand” in court and advocate for their interests. Sovereign Immunity provides a government entity the right to choose if it can be subject to criminal prosecution. Act of state doctrine is a federal legal principle that a court will not rule on the legitimacy of another sovereign government operating within its jurisdiction. Political question doctrine is where federal courts refuse to hear a case because the issue is extremely politically charged. Political offense exception is a provision that prevents extradition if the prosecution of the individual in custody is political in nature. Nuremberg defense is a plea by a defendant, particularly a combatant, should not be considered guilty if following the orders of a superior.12 U.S. courts have held repeatedly that human rights clauses of the U.N. Charter are not self-executing and, hence, vest no enforceable rights to individuals. While the legal impact of such a declaration is deplorable, human rights lawyers and those attorneys who support and defend New Afrikan/Black Freedom Fighters and their allies should use U.S. courts to enforce to the fullest the rights guaranteed in the international instruments; they should help mobilize public and congressional support against the self-defeating declarations presented by the courts.13 Hurst Hannum, in collaboration with Richard B. Lillich and Stephen Saltzburg, Materials on International Human Rights and U.S. Criminal Law and Procedure (Washington, DC: The Procedural Aspects of International Law Institute, 1989), 98.14 The Paquette Habana, 175 U.S. 677 (1900). https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/175/677/15 Frank Lawrence, “Nuremberg Principles: The Defense for Political Protesters,” Hastings Law Journal 40, no. 2 (1989): 398–399, 420.16 Ibid.17 Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 82 S. Ct. 691 (M.D. Ten. 1962). https://casetext.com/case/baker-v-carr18 The criminal case involving Susan Rosenberg and Timothy C. Blunk, resulting in 56-year sentences for each, directly concerned the Nuremberg defense. Rosenberg and Blunk pursued a Nuremberg defense in nonviolent charge of possession of explosives and other identification paraphernalia. If they were successful, the jury would have had the proper law in which to decide the fate of these comrades. Surely, as in the McCann case, if the nonviolent standard was applied as a standard of the necessity defense could be applied.19 Imari Obadele & RNA (11). United States v. James, 528 F.2d 999 at 1005, 5th Cir. 1976. Chokwe Lumumba, 741 F.2d 1214 (2d Cir. 1984). RNA (3) (State of Mich.—citation not available). R.A.M. Herman Ferguson, Criminal Anarchy—New York State Case.20 The cases that the Nuremberg defense could apply to include the following cases: United States v. Montgomery, 722 F.2d 733; United States v. Lowe, 654 F.2d 562; United States v. May, 622 F.2d 1000; Switkev v. Lared, 316 F. Supp. 358; United States v. Valentine, 288 F. Supp. 957; United States v. Berrigan, 283 F. Supp. 336; Vermont v. McCann, No. 2857–786, D.Vt. Jan. 26, 1987, Reprinted in 44 Guild Practice 101, 1987; United States v. Susan Rosenberg & Tim Blunk; People v. Gray, N.Y. Crim. Ct. Part 10.21 RNA (3) and RNA (11). United States v. Dickens, 695 F.2d 765. Warren Brown, et al., Nos.: 86-3065 through 3069 Commonwealth v. Africa, CP No. 78-08 U.S.A. v. Abdul Muzikir a/k/a Marquette Hall Criminal # 20633-77.22 See Anglo-American test, French test, and Swiss test for further understanding of the criteria of POEE analysis. In Re Macklin#, 80 Cr. Mis.!, slip op. (S.D.N .Y., Aug. 13, 1989) [available on Lexis]. See also Quinn v. Robinson, 783 F.2d 776, 793-94 (9th Cr. 1986).23 In Re Castioni, 1 Q.B. 149. [Taken from U.S .A. v. Shakur, SSS 82 Cr. 312 (CSH) and U.S.A, v. Buck, 84 Cr. 220]. E.R. v. Wilkes, 641 F,2d 504, 514.24 See In Re Doherty, 599F. Supp. 270 (S.D.N.Y. 1984). (Trial Judge Sprizzo in his opinion when considering Doherty's defense chose to juxtapose and distinguish the Black Liberation Army situation.)25 “Statement from the “Resistance Conspiracy Case” Defendants. (July 1988). https://freedomarchives.org/Documents/Finder/DOC511_scans/RCC/511.RCC.StatementFromDefendants.July1988.pdf (June 10, 2022).26 United States v. Shakur, 890F.Supp. 1291 (S.D. N.Y. 1988). United States v. Morales, 464F.Supp. 325 (E. D.N.Y. 1979). People v. Bottom, Ind. No. 5694-74, (N.Y. Co.) 1971 Sentencing Memorandum, May 12, 1975; United States v. General Manuel A. Noriega Case No. 88-79 CR Hoeveler. See also: Ruchell Magee case in California; United States v. Sekou Odinga POW motion–1st Brinks Case–84 Cr. 312; United States v. Ferguson, 758F.2d 843, 846-47 n.l (2d Cir.) cert. denied 1065 Ct. 124 (1985); United States v. Ferguson, 758F.2d 843, 846 in Part I, 2nd Cir. 1983; (Brinks case). The sentencing memo of May 12, 1975, stated that the 1971 case involving Jalil Muntaquin, Nuh Washington, and Herman Bell (People v. Bottom) was a case of active war. By 1971, the U.S. COINTELPRO dirty war against the Black Liberation Movement had resulted in scores of political assassinations of political and military leadership of the movement as well as a brutal assault on the efforts to defend the movement. The assassination of four police officers claimed by the Black Liberation Army was a direct outgrowth of an uprising and resistance against oppression. The judge's sentencing statement classified these acts as an act of war and sentenced these comrades who were charged with these acts as prisoners of war.

Mutulu Shakur

The Struggle for International Political Recognition for New Afrikan/Black Freedom Fighters

新非洲/黑人自由战士争取国际政治承认的斗争

Abbreviation	USOU
Quartiles(Global)	ETHNIC STUDIES(Q4)

ISSN	1099-9949, 1548-3843
h-index	24

Publication Information	Publisher: Taylor and Francis Ltd.，Publishing cycle: ，Journal Type: journal，Open Access Journals: No
Basic data	Year of publication: 2002，Proportion of original research papers: 0.00%，Self Citation Rate:N.A.， Gold OA Rate: 0.00%

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